Modus Operandi of Factionalism in Rayalaseema-Extract from Shodganga

III. FACTIONALISM: HISTORICAL AND SOCIO ECONOMIC ORIGINS 

This chapter attempts to analyse the nature of factionalism and the reasons as to why it is fraught with culture of violence in the Rayalaseema region and also to trace the growth of factions in Kurnool district from pre-independence to postindependence period. The present scenario indicates that the armed factional culture is prevailing in the three districts, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Anantapur of Rayalaseema. While landed disputes, conflicts for personal prestige and dominance characterise the politics in the state, it is in Rayalaseema that they lead to murders and counter murders as the factions are armed factions. To this issue people mythically remark that the 'soil' of Rayalaseema is known for such behaviour and its water nourishes it. They also attribute it to the "water" of rivers like Kundu and Handri' . The other question as to why in Rayalaseema in general and specifically in Kurnool district, the culture of acquiring power and property through terror or using arms, prevails? This is because, to quote Dr. Balagopal, "What prevails in Rayalaseema is a culture in which the human traits of loyalty and faith are tied to the feudal-patriarchal mode of society, so that the liberty we are speaking of may well be seen as an illegitimate disloyalty to the natural leaders and elders of society, and would be recognised as legitimate only if there is an opposition faction with in the dominant class to whom the loyalty can be transferred. Existing conjointly as this trait does with a proneness to violent expression of anger, which is again sharper in Rayalaseema than elsewhere, it can mean that the desire for 101 I individual liberty may attract violent hostility from one's own fellow creatures, persons of one's own class, caste and family. Even in factional conflicts among followers of different Reddy landlords, the violent anger and hatred that can and does divide close kith and kin is starting to an observer unfamiliar with the specific mode of feudal culture dominant in Rayalaseema. Further Village Factions (armed gangs) have evidently outgrown their origins in Village Factions) Village factions born of conflict between Reddy landlords (but also a few non-Reddy landlords and elders of close-knit castes as the Boyas, too) over property and power (and some times women) have a long history in the Rayalaseema districts. Every slight, imagined or real, had to be avenged as viciously as every substantial challenge to one's power, property or prestige. Assault, murder and burning of houses and cornstalks was the principal means of the assertion of one's strength and 'manhood' . And, of course, each such attack had to be avenged with equal 'manliness' from the other side. This meant the creation of hereditary enmity that went on from generation to generation, often until one family was either exterminated or driven out of the village. It also meant the creation of loyal gangs from out of poorer castemen and lower castes by each warring side, and as the gangs indulged in mutual violence, subsidiary enmity between fresh families lower down the social scale would be created. These gangs (even today) are different from urban mafias in two respects: one is that they are made up not of professional criminals but peasants (though they do involve themselves in illicit activity such as smuggling forest produce, growing opium or making liquor illegally), and the second is that what binds the gang to the master is not only pecuniary or other material benefits (though there is often plenty of it) but also an intense feudal loyalty, the loyalty owned as a matter of traditional 'dharma' , to the "elders' of the 102 village, which means either uppercaste landlords or the hereditary elders of each caste, especially the tight-knit castes such as the very militant and clannish Boyas. Over this factionalism was super-imposed another trait that Rayalaseema inherited from the anarchy that followed the demise of the 'war state' of the Rayas of Vijayanagar: the rule of armed chieftains (sometimes called 'polegars') over groups of villages, a few or hundreds in extent, a rule that amounted to little more than plain plunder by the chieftain and his violent gang of casteman and followers."1 Rayalaseema - the land of the Rayas (of Vijayanagar) - has always been a land of predators. The word raya - like Raja, Rana, etc - indicate feudatory status, but the Rayas of Vijayanagar were nobody's feudatories when they could help it. At the height of their prowess they ruled over substantial part of the Deccan, and of the Tamil plains. To Nilakantha Sastry, the archbrahmanical historian of South India, theirs was the warrior Hindu State par excellence. It was after their decline that their feudatories, the nayakas and the polegars, tooks over, the latter of the two being the closest Indian approximation to Chinese war lords2 . These armed gang of predators were known as Polegars. These Polegars dictated and maintained dominance with high handedness through armed strength. During 1880 when British acquired control over the ceded districts (Kurnool, Cuddapah, Anantapur and Bellari) from Hyderabad Nizam, there were 80 Polegars having under their exclusive command about 30,000 armed peons, subsisted by rapine and committed everywhere the greatest excesses3 . It was a herculean task for Thomas Munroe, the first collector of ceded districts to control them. Out of 80 Polegars, 22 belonged to Kurnool district [not the present Kurnool district but erstwhile Kurnool which was in Markapur division) . Polegars centers at that time were the villages 103 like, Kotakonda, Devanakonda, Kapatralla, Owk and Kovellakuntla. This indicates that during 1800 AD. , these Polegars known as military chieftains by the British were present in these villages. All these villages are notorious even now for armed factions. As per the records available Kovelakuntla taluk was famous for factional vengeance since the beginning of the 20th Century. It means, though Thomas Munroe suppressed these Polegars in Kovelakuntla by the beginning of the 19th century, this culture of maintaining dominance through armed violence continued.4 Owk mandal which was in erstwhile Kovelakuntla taluk in Kurnool district is a centre for armed factions even now. Together with some villages in Owk, factionists are ruling this place as a parallel state with bombs and guns. In the same way villages like Kotakonda and Kapatralla in the mandal of Devanakonda of Pattikonda taluk are affected with factional rivalries5 . Though one can link present day factional culture to Polegar culture, but one cannot entirely cite the polegar culture as a sole reason for present day faction because the other places in Chittoor district like Kalahasti, Pakala, Karvetrinagaram, Thunganur which were once Polegar centres do not have armed factional dominance of the kind that we find in Kurnool, although these places still continue to be feudal. Further in Chittoor district there were 30 Polegars as compared to Kurnool District which had 22 polegars. There is no armed factional culture in Chittoor district. In the same way the villages like Pullachuruvu, Tripuranthakam, Yerragondapalem which are at present in Prakasham district [earlier in Kurnool district) were notorious for factional conflicts since the days 104 of Kondaviti Reddies; and even during the Vijayanagara period. But presently in these places there are no armed factions or factional rivalries as that of present day Allagadda and Kovellakuntla. Further, during Vijayanagara period, Rayalaseema Polegars wielded more dominance in Tamil Nadu compared to Rayalaseema. This happened because when Vijayanagara rulers wanted to attack Tamil Desam, some Telugu military chieftains were deployed. After the war they did not return to Andhra but settled in the Borders of Tamil Nadu and Andhra. These military chieftains established small kingdom by plundering the wealth of Tamil villages. Madurai rulers who were under the suzerainty of Vijayanagara Rayalus had established small territories with some villages and appointed military chieftains as their rulers.6 Yet there is no armed dominant factional violent culture in Tamil Nadu. Let us see if we can find a link between the economic backwardness of the districts with the armed factional violent culture? In backward regions there is a possibility of prevalence of crude feudalism and violence in the villages. Kurnool district has been backward in terms of rainfall and irrigation facilities. In British period Kurnool district had been declared as drought prone region. Though KC canal was dug 125 years ago still it is a drought district. While Kovelakuntla receives higher rain fall among all the other Taluks, owk of Kovelakuntal taluk receives the least rainfall. Thus one can infer the causes for dominance and exploitation through arms due to the backwardness, poverty, illiteracy and political apathy. But one cannot immediately come to the conclusion that backwardness trigger of factionalism because Allagadda Taluk of Kurnool district which is highly developed because of large area under KC canal is also known for armed 105 factions at present. Further, Nandikotkur and Atmakur with good irrigation sources under KC canal also have armed factions.7 So how to explain this phenomena, particularly when we find no direct link between Polegar system and backwardness of the region and the armed factions? The explanation has to be sought from somewhere in the historical origins. It is a historical fact that since the vijayanagara days, Rayalaseema had the culture of local rulers as well as rule by military chieftains apart from the central rule by Vijayanagara kings. Though Vijayanagara kingdom was characterised as war state, Vijayanagara Rulers had never succeeded in centralising the armed forces. Vijayanagara rulers had given powers to rule small territories to those rulers who had military forces . These military rulers used to pay the taxes to the king and supply military services to the kings whenever needed. The small rulers enjoyed autonomy. It is estimated that during the Krishnadevaraya time there were 200 local rulers. Decentralisation of power was not restricted to establishment of local rule but was also for maintaining law and order through the local landlords in the borders of the state. It was these oppressors who were known as polegars. It seems the polegars rose to the status of armed landlords subsequently and started dominating the villages without helping the state in any way. These armed landlords maintained armed dominance through their military. Kings used to give hundreds of acres as jageer to the appointed polegars. After the decline of the Vijayanagara empire these polegars in Rayalaseema established independent territories by suppressing the people with high handedness without any rule or norm. At the higher level, power however changed from one nawab to another. By 1755 A.D. Kurnool dis106 trict had gone under the control of Nawab Hyder Ali of Mysore. His son Tippu Sultan was deputed by the Nizam of Hyderabad through British help. AB a part of Srirangapatnam agreement, Nizam of Hyderabad got Kurnool, Cuddapah and Bellari districts. By 1800 AD these districts were ceded to British and that is how Rayalaseema districts had become ceded districts. There were 80 polegars in Rayalaseema as mentioned earlier and in the Kurnool districts they were in the villages of Kotakonda, Kapatralla, Dudekonda, Pandikona, Devanakonda, Basavapur, Pullalachervu, Bollupalle, Syayapanyani, Marrivemula, Chapalamadugu, Venkatadripalem, Wurlagunta, Owk, Nallagatla, Kovelakuntla, Singapatnam, Kaluvadda, Mutialpadu (Mytyalapadu), Wuhurapur (Virupapuram) Pyapali (Peapully) and Maddikera. Some of them were recognised as Zamindars and some were suppressed and disarmed of their powers.8 And pensions were given to some of them as compensation. Thus these were part of the Rayalaseema polegar culture. Given the political changes that occured, this culture had undergone some changes over the period. Nevertheless the present day armed dominant factions reflect the inheritance of polegar's political culture.

I Nature and growth of factions in Kurnool district 

The history of factions in Kurnool district is the history of power politics predominantly for supremacy in the village. Factions in the district before the independence were mainly formed due to property disputes, illicit contacts with women, and forcible marriages of children. The factions formed for these reasons escalated into serious conflicts giving rise. Those who commit murders maintain a faction for safety 107 and the rivals maintain a group to avenge the murder. For every murder invariably there would be a counter murder. For every attack there was counter attack, crop for crop, stray for stray, burning house for house used. Thus both the factional groups were engaged in destroying themselves. According to Imperial Gazetteer 1908, 'murders occur frequently in Kurnool district. Reasons for these murders were either personal vengences or disputes relating to land. Mostly land disputes lead to serious lootings. Kovellakuntla is famous for these types of tensions.'10 During the pre-independence period those who were indulging in endemic factional conflicts were looked upon as totally unwise. For those who were maintaining factions had to spend a lot of money and in the process they were loosing property.11 The Elections for District Boards and Taluk Boards, before independence were sources for factional activities. These elections were fought on non-party basis being supported by the Congress and the non congress parties. For instance, in 1938 elections for taluk boards, there was a contest between K.E. Madanna from congress party and Chinna Subba Reddy, paternal uncle of Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy from Justice Party. This led to political rivalry between Laddagiri Nagi Reddy, father of Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy and K.E. Madanna as Chinna Subba Reddy lost the elections. Since Madanna belonged to Krishnagiri Firka in Dhone taluk and Nagi Reddy of Laddagiri belonged to Kodumur, the political rivalry got centered in these areas.12 These political rivalries continue to prevail in the form of factions between K.E.'s family and Kotla's family in some areas of Kurnool District till this day. 108 Afte r the independence factions have been nourished to acquire and maintain dominance in the villages. The advent of Panchayati Raj institutions provided one more cause for the continuation of factions on a non party basis between individual and individual to get elected for panchayats. In the process of acquiring dominance through electoral fights, the policy of physical elimination is resorted to by the faction leaders. Once a factionist is murdered it would trigger the cycle of murdering. That is how electoral politics acquire murderous character.13 Later on the elections to the Panchayat Samiti and Zilla Parishad also led to increased factionalism as they were non party based and fought on individual basis. The struggle for political power at Samithi level intensified factionalism in the villages. The power struggle from above percolated down to the villages through their henchmen, Panchayati Presidents. For instance Madduri Subba Reddy and Chinna Reddy patronised groups in the villages as a part of their power struggle. During this phase property disputes were lessened due to land ceilings and the factions operated mainly for power. During this phase the political leaders mostly depended on factionists for votes without they becoming factionists per se. They encouraged one factionist in the village against the other.14 However, over a period factionists themselves became Sarpanchas, Presidents of Agricultural and Marketing Societies and also Samithi Presidents. They managed to get elected through their armed strength. That is how the linkage between the armed conflict and the electoral politics was struck.15 109 Subsequently, arrack business played a crucial role in the increase of factions in Kurnool district. For many years, arrack and toddy business were under the sole control of K.E. Madanna. But after TDP came to power in 1983, the Government streamlined arrack business which made it even more profitable. Over a period of time all faction leaders entered arrack business and cornered contracts with the help of their money and muscle power. Rivals in the business were intimidated to see that they are prevented from entering the business. Faction leaders with an understanding among themselves formed a syndicate to get contracts at cheaper rates16 . Even the rival faction leaders arrived at an understanding and compromises on arrack zones. For example in Allagadda, Bhooma Nagi Reddy and Gangula Pratap Reddy families distributed among themselves the areas of influence into two regions. Each took control of some mandals for this arrack business. After securing the contract, they earned a lot of money by mixing illicit arrack to Government arrack. They successfully obstructed the Government to get due revenue from arrack by using all manipulative methods. Thus arrack kept factional politics alive in the district. After the banning of arrack, faction leaders set up their own illicit arrack hearths to earn money. They started making money through the importing of arrack from Karnataka. No official could dare obstruct their illicit arrack business. The factions from mid 80s can be characterised as Neo-cultural factions having the following characteristics. Present day factions, after the emergence of TDP, enjoy the direct patronage of the ruling parties whichever is the party in power. The ruling party and the opposition patronise the faction leaders. Earlier they used to 110 be encouraged by two leaders within Congress Party in each constituency. Patronage of oppositional parties to Congress, when it was a single dominant party, was nominal. Faction leaders prevent free voting: they terrorise the voters and prevent them from going to polling booths to exercise the franchise. The factionists interfere in the mandal and district level administration through intimidation and terror.17 They carry out these activities in pursuit of wealth and power.

a) Civil Contracts: 

All the structures and systems which are related to development, progress and modernisation have come under the hold of factionists. This extends to roads, canals, banks, co-operative societies, development programmes and welfare schemes. Those activities which yield more income are handled directly by factionists and those yielding smaller incomes are left to the followers. The followers perpetuate domination in the name of their leaders. Followers pay loyalty for these works. The bank loans, house pattas and government schemes are to be given only to factionists. This is an unwritten rule to be followed by revenue administration and all governmental departments while sanctioning or allotting the schemes to factionists or to their followers. In the event of a conflict between the two factionists for contracts, one factionist would see to it that the contract secured by other factionists is canceled. If the officers oppose them they put pressure from the capital of state, Hyderabad which is the seat of the Government and subject them to threats. They however, physically prevent others from submitting tenders. If anybody dares take contracts they obstruct their work. Hence non factionists have to either sell their tenders to factionists or to pay 111 'rowdy' mamools. Factionists follow any method or any means to get all the tenders in their favour. First when the tenders are called for, they neither allow anybody to submit tenders nor they do it forcing government to hike-up the rate till they are satisfied. Once the tender rate is hiked-up, they themselves submit fake tenders and manipulate the contracts. These contract works are taken up either directly by them or sub-contract them with some commission to others. It is striking that two factionists would fight with each other on any issue but not on the issue of contracts. Notwithstanding their rivalry, they arrive at compromise on contract and form syndicate to share profits or divide the areas with such an understanding that one would not enter or encroach the others area or jurisdiction so far as the contracts are concerned. This is how they make profits and wealth on contracts.18 In K.C. Canal, L.L.C. Canal contracts, S.R.B.C. contracts, Telugu Ganga tenders, the rates are hiked up by the factionists. Cement and iron materials to be used in their construction works are sold in black markets. This is also one of the lucrative sources of money.19

b) Industrial resources: 

The semi-arid region has little potential for growth based on agricultural prosperity. It is on the other hand rich in minerals and commercially valuable slab stone, and hence quarrying and processing is a major rough culture of the region, and it was soon enough discovered that whoever controls the gun and the bomb also controls the quarry-based industry and trade. The guns and the gangs that had first come into being in village factional fights turned their attention - just as they turned their attention to electoral politics - to the quarrying and polishing of stone. The units are allowed to be owned and operated by harmless 112 entrepreneurs (it is too much of a bother looking afte r the economics of running the enterprise) and the armed warlord gangs step in as 'protectors' and collect tolls on every piece of material quarried or shifted out.20 There are Slab-stone mines in the outskirts of Charlapally and Ramapuram villages in Owk mandal of Kurnool district. These slab stones stretch covers about six hundred acres of government land. Normally, only those who get lease from government could enter these mines. This permission is reduced into a mere formality. Only a few acres are taken on lease but large chunks of land are occupied and the profits made run from these sources into millions of rupees. For instance the faction leaders - Challa Ramakrishna Reddy and Fakir Reddy - compete with each other ruthlessly to earn undue profits from this lurcative business.

 c) Forest wealth: 

Factionists also indulge in smuggling of forest produce - red sandal, teak, teakwood, maddi and jittegi - by violating all the forest laws by using their muscle power. These products are illegally exported from Nallamala forests to Mucchumarry, Atmakur, Allagadda and Velgode. The faction leaders enjoy the support of local faction leaders in carrying on these illegal and illicit profit making activities. Gajulapalli and Mahadevapuram villages in Mahanandi mandal of Allagadda area and many villages in Kottavaram and Sirivella mandals have become centres for illegal teakwood business. In the forest adjacent to the Krishna river, large scale of teak trees are felled and transported through boats. This is how the natural and public resources are illegally exploited by the factionists.

 d) Elections: 

At the time of elections all the leaders, irrespective of the political party, approach the local faction leaders to seek support in securing the votes. The faction leaders decide to whom the votes would be cast. The citizens do not exercise the so called franchise. Nobody dare question the faction leaders in this regard. If any body does it, the possibility of his physical survival is doubtful. The faction leaders engage muscle men in order to rise in the political ladder. They enter each village under the pretext of settling disputes and also encourage conflicts between one another so as to consolidate their strength in the villages. Factionists command money and muscle power not only to win the elections but to terrorise the people.23 The elections in these areas are no elections in the strict sense of the term. Even 'seshan effect' could not make any significant difference to the electoral culture in this region. To quote Dr. Balagopal, "The people in Kurnool district in the Rayalseema region of Andhra Pradesh have had election after election forced upon them, while the discerning among them know better than anybody else that their society and culture are least ready for electoral democracy of any kind. First, the parliament member from Nandyal resigned and the people were directed to elect the nation's prime minister to parliament, and with a record lead to boot. And then Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy, the member of parliament from Kurnool and union law minister, was made chief minister of the state, which meant that he too had to be elected to the State Assembly. Panyam was vacated for him and the people were directed to elect the chief minister ("otherwise there will be no development for Kurnool") . They did their best and did elect him, but the 'big man' was not happy with the votes 114 he got. He said in public meeting after public meeting, that he knew who had campaigned against him and would 'take care of them, whether they are high or low' , And then, of course, the parliament seat of Kurnool vacated by him had to be filled, and who should be Congress candidate but his son? It was his seat that he had vacated, the better to serve the people, and who should the inheritance go to but his dear son. Whether according to the Hindu or any other property law? And so the people of Kurnool were directed to elect the son to parliament on May 26 this year, and they have dutifully done so, except that he scraped through with a rather small lead. So base is the people's ingratitude, even of men that have served them for decades and are bent on serving them for ever, from father to son, from father to son, from father to son". . .

e) Faction leaders and followers:

In the event of a faction leader's murder, the mantle of leadership of that faction is inherited either by his son, brother or nephew. "Word for word and attack for attack" is a ruling principle in faction villages. Unleashing of terror is the only instrument adopted to dominate the people. Unemployed and lumpens join the faction to make easy money. People join the faction in spite of knowing the chain of events that follow like quarrels, attacks, robberies, police cases, courts, and so on. Faction leaders mainly belong to high castes, but it is the low castes like Boyas, Yerukalas, Balijas and Scheduled castes constitute the following and they also happen to be victims of the faction feuds. Followers of faction leaders at village or mandal level have their own territories of dominance. They collect money from the people through hired goondas who 115 get protection from the factionists. The gundas indulge in all forme of excesses in the village. The so called hired soldiers (known as pilots) are covered by life insurance schemes by their leaders.

 f) Faction and Crime Culture: 

Crime culture exists in this region due to faction culture. The followers in the name of 'service' to their faction leaders, commit crime, robberies in broad day-light and thefts during the nights. These activities enjoy protection of faction leaders in the district.

g) Increase of weapons:

The guns at one time used to be mostly illegal weapons acquired or made at home. The people themselves joke that bombs are as cheaply available as putrefied vegetables. But in the last five years or so guns have also multiplied in number and gun licenses are easier to obtain now because a quite a few of the warlords has risen to important positions in the state government. Gun licenses are therefore much easier to obtain with their own men at the top. 'You commit a murder and apply for a gun license as you fear retaliation. For the police have 'falsely' implicated you in the case'; the kith and kin of the deceased apply for a gun license exhibiting the corpse of the man you have slain as proof of a bonafide threat of life. As both of you have your own men as MLAs and ministers at Hyderabad, both get gun licenses in due course. The gaining of such licenses is supposed to be preceded by a local police enquiry concerning the applicant's criminal proclivities, but such inconveniences are easily avoided. As policemen bemoan these days, "these fellows do not 116 even give their home address in the application. They give a Hyderabad address and get hold of some MLA or minister who ensures that the local police dutifully certify that the man has no criminal record locally and get the license and it only when we see the fellow going around with a gun back home that we realise he has gone back home that we realise he has gone and got a gun license". The point is that this weaponry increases the terror they exercise. The terror is a means of property acquisition; it is a means of political power and patronage. All manner of petty local bullies gather around these armed lords, and constitute a formidable obstacle to any democratic assertion, whether electoral or otherwise.

h) Structure of factionalism

As a result, warlordism, delicately called as factionalism in the Rayalaseema in general and Kurnool in particular has constituted itself into a structure that has MLAs and minister at the top, civil and excise contractors, smugglers and less disreputable businessmen at the middle, and village landlords at the base. It determines and dominates all spheres of political as well as civil society. III Origin and growth of factions in each constituency in Kurnool District: - The above account shows the nature of factions. Here an attempt is made to analyse the structure of factions in each constituency of the district. This is attempted in terms of the leaders who are providing leadership and patronage to the lower 117 rung faction leaders. The constituency wise analysis is necessary as the armed factions are tied up with the political power. Geographically Kurnool District can be divided into two regions. Northern part of the district consisting Kovelakuntla, Allagadda, Nandyala, Panyam, Nandikotkur and Atmakur constituencies. The western part consists of Pattikonda, Dhone, Adoni, Kurnool, Kodumur, Allur and Yemmiganur. All the constituencies in the Southern part of the district are infected by the factions whereas in the western part only Dhone, Pattikonda, Kurnool, Kodumur and Alur are infected with factions.28 In these constituencies the faction leaders graduated themselves to the status of MLAs, and it is these leaders from the above who give protection and maintain affiliations with the mandal and village level faction leaders. For instance; in the Dhone constituency the main faction leaders who have followers at the mandal and village level include Kotla Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy (Ex-Chief Minister and at present Member of Parliament and All India Congress Committee Member) and K.E. Krishna Murty (Ex-Cabinet Minister during NTR period) . The same is true of Pattikonda Constituency. Of late, it is S.V. Subba Reddy (Minister in present Chandrababu Naidu's cabinet) who is competing with K. Vijaya Bhaskara Reddy in Pattikonda. In Kodumur constituency it is K.E Krishna Murthy and Kotla Vijay Bhasker Reddy who provide patronage to the mandal level and village level faction leaders. In Alur constituency the Reddy and Kamma communities have faction on caste lines. In Allagadda constituency it is Gangula Prathapa Reddy (Ex-M.P. and AICC Member) and Bhooma Nagi Reddy (At present Member of Parliament) who provide patronage to lower level faction .leaders. In Panyam it is Katasani Ram Bhupal Reddy (MLA in the present Assembly), Bijjam Satyanara118 yana Reddy (TOP Leader), Challa Rama Krishna Reddy (Ex-M.L.A . and Congress Leader) who patronise lower level faction leaders. In the Nandikotkur constituency it is Byreddy Rajasekhara Reddy (MLA in the present Assembly) and Madduri Subba Reddy (Ex-M.P. & Congress Leader) who maintain factions at the constituency level and support the lower level faction leaders. In Kovelakuntla it is Karra Subba Reddy (Present M.L.A. ) who supports the lower level faction leaders. In Atmakur constituency it is Budda Vengala Reddy (Ex-MLA & Z.P.T.C. Member) and Kedarnath Reddy (Congress Leader) who support lower level faction leaders. At present it is these faction leaders who have control over power, property and other resources.29 In the Eastern part of the district the factions are between the Reddies themselves, whereas in western part the factions exist between backward castes at the village level and at the higher level the factions are between Reddies and Backward Castes.30 This is because of the fact that in the southern part the Reddies domination is high. For supremacy and dominance over the villages, all the faction feuds are among the Reddies. In the Eastern part in most of the constituencies, given the concentration of backward caste population in the villages and also rise of BCs after the TDPs rise, the factions are formed among the BCs themselves. These factions in the villages are patronised by either BC leaders or Reddy leaders having the political status as that of MLA/MP.

Nature of factionalism after the rise of Telugu Desam 

In Kurnool district since 1950s till 1983, as elsewhere in the State, Congress was a ruling party. It was dominated by dominant caste Reddies. Groupism among the Reddies mainly in the 119 eastern part of the constituency was the only dominant feature of electoral politics. At the micro level, in the villages, factions formed out of various reasons such as land disputes, for village supremacy, caste conflicts, used to approach the Congress party leaders for legal and political protection and these factions worked as the vote banks for Congress party. "There used to be uneasy alliance between Congress party and village faction" leaders31 . But the scenario changed once, the TDP emerged in the state and consequently in the district. The Reddies who used to be out of power and who used to contest against Congress party, got opportunity to oppose Congress party and thereby wield power through Telugu Desam Party. Hence the fight among the Reddy themselves intensified and this led to violent factionalism. In the process both leaders in the Congress as well as in TDP themselves had to become factionists at the micro level also. This necessiated them to have huge followers at the village, mandal and district levels. The factionists at the micro level who became MLAs/MPs had to patronise the village, mandal, district level faction leaders. In the process village level and mandal level faction leaders who were giving support to macro level faction leaders themselves aspired for power and hence faction leaders themselves started contesting elections and became political leaders. As a result, the elected representatives at all levels, whether Panchayats, Mandal Parishads, Zilla Parishads, MLAs and MPs have to maintain faction and thereby show dominance by adopting to violent culture. Since faction leaders themselves became political leaders, the electoral competition increased and consequently violent factional culture prevailed. At socio-level while factionalism among Reddies intensified at the eastern part of the district, in south-western part of the district, given the 120 awakening among the BCs and their support to their Telugu Desam Party, the emergence of TDP gave opportunity to Backward Castes to challenge Reddies domination politically. With the challenge of Backward castes, Reddy community resorted to violent factionalism in more offensive way. This led to Backward castes who mostly support TDP and given its ruling in the state, also to adopt violent factionalism. In turn factional culture intensified among Reddies and BCs. Thus in entire district politics of factionalism has become a predominant feature. Factionalism in the district which is fraught with culture of violence is a complex problem. The problem can be answered by locating it in Rayalseema history though this historical reason might not fully explain the phenomenon. This problem has roots in the polegars or armed chieftains culture going back to days of decline of Vijayanagara empire in South India. But polegar culture as sole source of present day factions may not be an adequate explanation. For the polegars did not persist in the same form in Chittoor district. There is no direct link between the economic backwardness of the district and armed factional violent culture as there are armed factions in some of the developed parts in the district. Though there is no direct link between historical polegar system and backwardness of the region with armed factions, yet this phenomenon in some way has to be traced to the 'legacy' of polegar system. This culture did undergo changes. About the nature and growth of the factions in Kurnool district, prior to independence, the data suggests that they were mainly formed due to property disputes and for a few other social reasons. The elections during pre-independence period had also become the basis for factions at that time. 121 After independence the factions gained new momentum with the advent of Panchaya t Ra j Institutions. Arrack business gave totally a different twist to the factions in the district. They have a hold over industrial resources as well as forest wealth. Factions from mid 80s have had specific feature of patronage of the ruling party whichever is the party in power. All the structures and systems related to development are in the total fold of factionists. They have hold over industrial resources as well as forest wealth. The polegar culture and the property nourish the factions. The power struggle give rise to violence and patronage sustain, if not legitimises it.



References 

1. K. Balagopal, "Seshan in Kurnool", Economic and Political Weekly, Bombay, July 23, 1994. Vol. 29, No. 30, pp. 1904- 1905
2. Ibid, "Rayalaseema: Waiting for a Rshyasrnga", Economic and Political Weekly, Bombay, May 31, 1986, Vol. 21, No. 22, p. 956.
3. APCLC, Kurnool, "Kurnoolu Palegallu", APCLC Publications, Kurnool, p.7, (Zillalo Muthadarula Sayudha Pettanam paina nivedika).
4. Ibid.
 5. Ibid.
6. Burton Stein: Thomas Munro: The origin of the colonial State and his vision of empire, Delhi, 1989, p.85.
7. APCLC, Kurnool, op.cit. p. 8.
8. Andhra Pradesh District Gazetteers, Kurnool, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1974, p. 54. 122 Interview with Sri K.V . Chalapati Rao, Advocate and Ex President, District Bar Association, Kurnool. . APCLC Publication, op.cit. p. 6.
11. Ibid, p. 6.
12. Interview with News reporter, Enadu
13. Ibid
14. Interview with Sri K. Bala Gopal, General Secretary, APCLC.
15. Andhra Jyothi, dated 18-4-95, P.4
16. APCLC: Op.cit. p. 15.
17. Interview with Sri Narsimhulu, President, CPM, Kurnool District.
18. Enadu, dated 27-8-1994, P. 2
19. Interview with Ms. Sandhya, Vice-President, POW, Andhra Pradesh.
20. K. Balagopal, "Seshan in Kurnool", op.cit. pp. 1905-1906.
21. Ibid
22. Interview with Sri Mahendar Reddy, Superintendent of Police, Kurnool.
23. Interview with Sri Venkatesh, Activist, APCLC, Kurnool.
24. K. Balagopal, "Seshan in Kurnool", Op.cit. pp. 1905-1906.
25. Ibid
26. Enadu, dated 29-8-1994, P. 6 123
27. K. Balagopal, "Seshan in Kurnool", Op.cit. p. 1905 APCLC, Op.cit, P. 11
29. interview with Sri K. Bala Gopal, General Secretary, APCLC.
30. APCLC, Op.cit. p. 22.
31. Lalita Ayer, "Braving the Blasts", The Week, March 24, 1956, Kochi, p. 38.